Terroristbistånd

Igår avslöjade Per Gudmundsson att palestinska terrorister och andra som gör någonting bra mot Israel, bra ur palestinsk-brottslig synpunkt vs, blir avlönade av Palestinska myndigheter. Palestina är så fattigt att de måste få bidrag. Oavsett varför de är fattiga kvittar i detta sammanhang. Svenska biståndsmyndigheter säger att ”våra pengar går inte till terrorister” för det kan de kontrollera. Så? då är allt frid och fröjd? Naturligtvis inte. Varje krona som går till bistånd till terroristregeringen, eller ”folket” som det så fint heter, frigör ju tydligen resurser till terroristerna som ser till att befolkningen hålls i misär genom sina handlingar. Istället för att bygga upp sitt samhälle av egen kraft, så tänker palestinska makthavare kanske:

”Det där kan utländska skattebetalare fixa, och det gör de ju så gärna för det är så synd om oss. Så fortsätter vi att kriga mot det hemska israel som envisas med att bomba tillbaka när vi skickar missiler över gränsen. Vi skickar ju inte missilerna för skojs skull utan för att de ska sluta bomba oss när vi skickar dem…”

Gudmundsson AB DN

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3 svar to “Terroristbistånd”

  1. Tom Alberts Says:

    Jag läste insändaren och slog vad om att du eller någon annan skulle gilla den. Det finns viktig info som inte riktigt kommeer fram. ”Den palestinska myndigheten har hundratals fångar på sin lönelista.”

    De senaste åren har jag blivit alltmer kritisk till vad journalister skriver. Var har DN fått informationen från? Kan inte undgå att notera att frågan om erkännandet av en palistinsk stat kommer snart upp i FN. Det råder stor majoritet inom FN för ett positivt beslut. USA har helt emot och har även meddelandet att om så sker så kommer den nya palistinska staten att få mycket mindre bistånd än nu.
    Informationen som ges i DNs artikel gynnar Israel.

  2. Varg i Veum Says:

    Det är sunt att vara kritisk, så länge man är kritisk till sina egna tankar också. Jag antar att du menar SvD och var gudmundsson frå sina uppgifter ifrån? Han får dem ifrån Palestinska lagboken, om han helt rätt och slätt inte hittar på. Men det tror jag inte. Dels för att redan tidigare har det påvisats om belöningar till sk ”martyrer” eller självmordsbombare som de egentligen är, och deras familjer. Så det är inte orimligt att tänka sig att man även håller kampviljan uppe genom att avlöna andra än självmördare. Tänker också på att detta är lätt kontrollerbara uppgifter och om Gudmundsson ljuger så dröjer det inte många timmar innan någon palestinavän grävt fram de riktiga uppgifterna och på så vis gör Gudmundsson arbetslös.

    Jag tänkte inte närmare på att det kunde vara nån slags organiserad propaganda, för det är väl det du antyder? Min vinkel var mer att våra skattepengar upprätthåller system som tänker strikt egoistiskt och är inte intresserade av att verka i harmoni.
    Det må gälla israel också, men de är inte ensamma när de dansar tango.

    Men oavsett om pengarna går till kriminella och terrorister eller inte sä frigör våra skattepengar resurser till de styrandes aganda genom att vi sörjer för befolkningen som de uppenbarligen skiter i för sina principers skull. Men å andra sidan bör vi inte bara rakt av anta att de gör det mot folkets vilja…

  3. tomsolna Says:

    Idag, den 11 september, blev det militärkupp i Chile 1973. Det var en oerhört traumatisk upplevelse för mig.

    Efter många år orkade jag skriva om mina upplevelser.

    Chile – Memory Flashes January 1971 – April 1974

    Now and then some of my friends have told me to write down my experiences from Chile and the military coup on 11 September 1973. It was a very traumatic experience for me, and it took many years to overcome the memories. Even today I feel nervous when hearing a helicopter hovering.

    The Institute of Social Studies in den Hague (Brigitte) has also reminded me that my long experience of agricultural and rural development in Mozambique should be documented. Brigitte barely survived a letter bomb from South Africa which killed Ruth First, head of “Centro de Estudos Africanos” at the University of Eduardo Mondlane in Maputo.

    So I write these memory flashes for my friends. They are basically from my Chile period.

    In 1968 there was a military coup in Peru. It turned out to be a very interesting social experiment. Agrarian Reform had made little progress during the Belaúnde regime. In 1969 the military decreed a new agrarian reform. Most people thought that very little would happen. The 14 000 farms which controlled about 90% agricultural land was a powerful force in Peru and few believed the military would break up the oligarchic power structure. Surprise, surprise, the next few days, after the law was published, the military occupied the most important sugar complexes lying on the Coast most of the linked to USA interests. This prompted a strong reaction from the USA and subsequently economic sanctions. Many of us working with agricultural planning were threatened by the landed aristocracy in Peru.

    At that time I was working for FAO as an associate expert in agricultural planning. Because of that I had access to much important information. In 1980, I finished my PhD thesis Agrarian Reform and Rural Poverty – A case study of Peru. You can surely understand that I was very proud when it was subsequently published in the USA. It was also reviewed by several scholars and has been cited many times.

    As an associate expert, the Swedish Government paid for my post. Within the Planning Office of the Ministry of Agriculture in Peru we had created a very competent group to address problems regarding how to implement the Agrarian Reform. Against my will, FAO did not want to prolong my contract in Peru and wanted me to work at the UN Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA – CEPAL) in Santiago. So we went there shortly after Allende assumed office. I went a few weeks to Chile before my family.

    The first weeks, in January 1971 I stayed with my friends Claes and Ulla-Britt Croner. Claes was a militant socialist (Partido Socialista) and had previously worked for ILO (OIT). Claes Brundenius and Claes Croner had both worked for OECD and were close friends. Claes Brundenius and his wife Lena then worked in Peru.

    It was a dramatic experience to land in Chile after Peru. It was like coming back to Europe again. I worked at the Agricultural Division of ECLA as an Economist. One important study we worked on was Andean Pact and trade in agricultural goods. The basic question was to study exports and imports to estimate how much trade would be possible. For an economist this was a rather stupid exercise. One would have to attempt to study comparative advantage. I was deeply shocked when I discovered that our Division did in fact not have economists.

    With Allende becoming president my boss, Jacobo Schatan, Chilean, went on leave and headed one of the nationalized companies. Our new boss was Keith Abercrombie and he was seconded from FAO in Rome. He was the best boss I have ever had. He later tried to recruit me to FAO in Rome, but by then I had other plans.

    During my time in Chile I spent a significant part of my time working on a comparative study of the Chilean and Peruvian Agrarian Reforms. One of the best experts on agrarian reforms in Latin America was Solon Barraclough and he became the head of the Chilean Agrarian Reform Institute ICIRA – Instituto de Capacitación y Investigación en Reforma Agraria. There I had close contacts with two junior experts. The paper I subsequently wrote was together with one of them, Gerson Gomez. It was subsequently published by FAO.

    Here we will make a detour. Soon after Mozambican Independence in 1975, many Latin American political refugees came to Mozambique to work as “cooperantes”. You might be interested to know that I worked in Mozambique 1979-81 and the most difficult task was to assist the Ministry of Agriculture to plan the second phase of MONAP (Mozambique Nordic Agriculture Programme). After having finished this rat race – 23 projects totaling USD 66 million I was exhausted. That story should also be written. One of the many problems was a complete lack of a capacity to plan, monitor and evaluate projects. During my stay at the Ministry I started up a Gabinete de Estudos e Projectos. Gerson was from Brazil and should be a good head of this Gabinete so I contacted him and he was subsequently employed by FAO to work in the Ministry of Agriculture in Maputo. As far as I know the Minister of Agriculture wanted to have complete control and Gerson was too independent to his liking. The Swedish Embassy did not defend Gerson and he was fired. – There is a need to write about the international aid mafia.

    There were many political refugees from Latin America working in the Mozambican Public administration. A few examples, the Chilean Interior Minster was imprisoned and subsequently killed by the Military Junta. His brother, Jaime Tohá became national Director of Forestry in Mozambique. My work also involved fisheries and the head there was Basulto, a prominent member of the Communist Party in Chile.

    Back to Chile again. In 1971 the Chilean economy was booming. But it was a ticking time bomb because Chile had had an export boom and with it a large foreign exchange surplus. This surplus disappeared and a serious economic crisis was inevitable.

    To me South America was a continent of military coups and dictatorships. When asking some Chilean friends in 1971 of the possibility of a military coup they would answer: “Aquí en Chile no pasará” – here in Chile it would never happen. They would proudly mention the important labour union – CUT – Central Unica de Trabajadores which had existed longer than the Swedish Labour Union – LO. (Might not be correct)

    The secretaries at ECLA had to be bi-lingual and as a consequence many of them had a “momio” background. Momio is a fantastic word meaning mummified. And at the big demonstrations the people would shout Momio escucha andate a la chucha. How to translate? (listen reactionaries – go to hell) Fidel Castro visited Chile and came to ECLA to give a speech. Most secretaries were furious. I still remember his words from a public meeting in Santiago. He lifted his right finger into the air and said “Be careful the Right – momios – is learning fast. You will have to prepare yourself.”…

    In 1972, economic problems were mounting and the situation became critical in 1973. Rationing and cueing became daily problems. ECLA employees and diplomats could buy fuel at special places. Even at these gas stations there were cues. Our two secretaries were getting more hostile to Allende by the day.

    Tension was mounting everywhere and one incident impacted a lot on me. A man was sitting in a Mercedes and was shouting angrily at a truck driver. After several minutes the truck driver started the truck and drove it along the Mercedes, completely destroying the paint. Then the truck left. “Lucha de clases” in action!

    In 1971 I bought an “industrial plot” in Nuñoa. The house was made of adobe and the land was covered with junk and garbage. It took many months to completely refurbish it. You might remember the strike of truck owners which almost paralyzed the Chilean economy. International employees of ECLA got some of the salary in Escudos but the rest was changed at the parallel market. Before and during the truck owners’ strike the exchange rate actually dropped. It was then obvious that the USA was actively intervening in Chilean politics, paying the truck owners not to use their trucks.

    As a curiosity, in order to make a garden I hired a horse and a cart and transported soil to the garden. I was very proud of it and planted some 30 fruit treas.

    I participated in the first discussions to create UBV – Utbildning för biståndsarbete in Sweden. If I remember correctly my old friend Christer von Malmborg was very active. Later he and his wife Kersti worked in the slum areas in Colombia. They later wrote a very interesting book Det tysta våldet (The Silent Violence).

    Pia, my wife, and I and our two adopted Peruvian boys lived in a house in the Vitacura district – where the richer people lived. Pia surely remembers better than I, but I believe that for about a year all UBV volunteers stayed for a shorter time period with us upon their arrival in Santiago. Pia worked at a weekly leftish magazine editorial called Quimantú. They had a good slogan: “Hoy es el primer día del resto de tu vida!. Svante Grände also stayed with us. In 1973 I and Vivian visited him in Panguipulli a few months before the coup. Svante was very friendly and much committed to his work. As far as I know he fled to Argentina after the coup and joined the ERP (Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo) in Argentina and was later killed in an ambush.
    Swedes! I still remember bringing from Sweden a few cans of surströmming fermented fish which the people in the North of Sweden love to eat. It smells terrible. I was scared that the cans would explode at the higher altitude in the plane – anybody who has seen a can understand the risks involved. One from UBV had a small apartment near the Centre and we had fiesta with surströmming. That was the first time I tasted surströmming and will also be the last time…

    Another detour. It was next to impossible to cover living expenses changing money at the official exchange rate. This became a moral problem for UBV. There were long discussions on the percentage to exchange at the black market and how much to exchange at the official rate. Did you arrive at any solution to the problem?

    The exchange rate issue has always been difficult to deal with. In the 80s in Angola the domestic currency was useless. So what to do – expats bought beer cases. Beer could be exchanged for anything. Guinea Bissau is much poorer but the paper money was worthless there as well. There people used rice as a means of exchange. – Here our values as Swedes were definitely inadequate.

    During my stay in Chile I had regular contacts with the Swedish embassy which was located not far away from my house. I met our ambassador Harald Edelstam a few times. I would tell him about our work at CEPAL and we would chit chat for a few minutes. As tension mounted, it became clear that violence would emerge – either the left would take power or the military would make a coup. As a result I prepared myself to survive for a long period – a small swimming pool for the children (water) kerosene a few m3 and lots of tins with food.

    One the one hand, the Tanquetazo or Tacnazo in June 1973 showed how the political situation was deteriorating rapidly. A photographer for the Swedish TV was killed when filming the events. It was a dramatic film sequence seeing the soldier shooting him and the photographer falling to the ground. On the other hand I felt relieved that this coup attempt was suppressed. Many believed that the military would after all remain loyal to the political system.

    So I raised the issue of political asylum with our ambassador. Suppose, left or right coup, people would come to the Swedish Embassy, would Sweden give them asylum? “Tom, he said. “The possibility to give asylum is only possible for Latin American Embassies. Legally I cannot do anything.” This was worrying.

    My political sympathies were with the extreme left – MIR – Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionario. I had a rather big house, so on and off, one of their leaders, El Gordo, would stay in my home.

    As the political situation grew tense the right mobilised their people. Huge demonstrations took place. The “…marcha de las cacerolas” became frequent, where richer people would slam on their casseroles. At times my car was surrounded by people in the richer areas of Santiago making it next to impossible to drive.

    CUT the Chilean labour union was unique because it included representatives from most political parties. When Kjell-Olof Feldt, an important person in the Social Democratic Party, accompanied a Swedish delegation to Chile many CUT leaders were invited. I then spoke to one of the Christian Democrats of CUT and asked him: “What will you recommend your members if there is a military coup?” “We will not recommend anything. If there is a communist coup democracy is lost for ever. The military will eventually have to give back the power to the people.” Moreover “It is easy for you intellectuals to have fine ideas. You can always move to another country.” – It was shocking to hear him, but it also rang an alarm bell within me. Yes he had a good point, but had we come so far that the Christian Party was endorsing a military coup?

    In the morning on 11 September I listened to the radio and suddenly Allende speaks. I switched on my tape recorder and heard his lasts words. It was very moving. Then radio station after the other was closed down or taken over by the military. What a terrible shock! Democratic Chile was destroyed in a couple of hours.

    My first instinct was to get my children and Pia, we were then divorced, to my house. After all, I had become a permanent UN staff member so I could give them some safety. So this day I drove the car to Vitacura, about 8 kms away and got them to my house. Later, Pia’s partner Jaime also came to my house. I believe he spent the nights at his mother’s house

    On the coup day I called my mother at Dagens Nyheter and she got hold of Sven Öste, a famous journalist, he got to the phone, but then the communication was cut.

    Originally there was a 24 hour curfew – and successively people could come out during the days. The night curfew remained much longer.

    Many people started to come to my house to seek protection. This developed into a tricky situation because as a UN employee my status was not that of a diplomat. I cannot remember how many people who stayed at my house. It was a very difficult period. During the nights a helicopter could sometimes be heard and they would use strong lights and often we could hear shots. The house was situated not far from the Swedish Embassy and some of the Cuban houses which were taken over by the Swedish Embassy.

    These shootings are analyzed in the book by Mats Fors on Harald Edelstam – Svarta Nejlikan – The Black Pimpernel (2009). Anyhow the tension was very high and Patric, our youngest son, then 3 years old, started to have nightmares and would wake up screaming.

    Since Pia had worked for Quimantú and we were still legally married, it was essential to get her and our boys out of Chile as soon as possible. When work at the UN started again one of our secretaries came screaming with joy “Ahora hay de todo” (Now there is everything in the market!) She was carrying several kilos of meat and the blood dropped to the floor. Very symbolic! The secretaries put Chilean flags to their desks and some were drinking champagne. In the end the Executive Secretary of ECLA prohibited these kinds of demonstrations.
    I visited the ECLA Personnel Office – it was imperative to get Pia and my children safely out of Chile. They created all kinds of bureaucratic problems. In the end Pia and the children could rapidly return to Sweden. – What a relief!

    One day the security guard at the entrance of ECLA called me. “There is a woman here who wants to see you.” Our two secretaries knew my leftish sympathies. So, there was a risk that the military intelligence had sent her. So I refused to see her. In the end I will never know the true story.

    Claes Croner visited his house after the coup – well known by the military intelligence and of course he got arrested. It was then imperative to get Ulla-Britt, his wife, and Andrea, their daughter to the Swedish Embassy. I encountered no problems to bring them to our embassy.

    Because so many people had passed through my house I was getting nervous and decided not to accept any more refugees into my house and asked all of them to leave my house. It was a painful decision to ask threatened people to leave my house. My instinct proved to be correct. Luckily enough!

    The following day Anna, my fantastic maid, called me at the office: “There are military in your house and they have beaten your dog – Pajas and he ran away.” I got hold of the Head of security at ECLA and he got one of the bigger UN limousines with a UN flag and drove to my house. There was a truck there with about 15 soldiers. The young officer in charge, seeing the UN limousine, got extremely nervous, opened my door and saluted me. I was then smoking and remember that I got so scared that my cigarette fell out of my mouth. Pajas, my dog later returned home. He was later killed by the military when I had already left Chile.

    It was now becoming clear that the military intelligence was keeping an eye on me. Still, I managed to get many people to various embassies. It is in this context that Harald’s courage and diplomatic skills paid off. I made lots of travels with my car to various embassies and cannot really remember anything. One incidence I still remember outside the Embassy of Argentina when a Chilean soldier poked me in my stomach with a machine gun and tried to confiscate my UN passport.

    When it became known that the Swedish Embassy had opened up its gates for political refugees other European countries were forced to follow suit. The Netherlands’ Ministry of Foreign Affairs initially refused to receive political refugees, but when Sweden opened its gates, the public opinion got so strong in Holland that the embassy was forced to open its gates as well. – Vivian originally was at the French Embassy, but when the Dutch Embassy accepted refuges she was then moved to the Dutch Embassy and later to Amsterdam. In 1998 we met again and resumed our relationship from 1972. This is a fantastic love story which ended in a disaster. That is another story. We were together for about 6 months in Chile.

    Harald had a good sense of humour and when asked about his efforts he said the military junta never dared to challenge his bluff and in the diplomatic community, it became known as “Lex Edelstam”. So while Harald himself directly saved many lives, his most important achievement was to get the embassies in Santiago to open their gates. We like to see heroes as doing very heroic actions – keeping refugees in the car boot. But these bureaucratic heroes (such as our ambassador) are also heroes for other reasons.

    After about two months I was sent to the Andean Pact countries (Chile, Peru, Bolivia and Ecuador) to collect information for the Joint Agriculture Division. When in Peru I received a strange telex reading something like this: “Alberts shall remain in Peru and wait for further instructions. You are not to return to Santiago. Your leave without pay request has been approved of.” It was signed by both the Head of Division as well as the Deputy Executive Secretary of ECLA.

    What the Hell was going on? It was becoming surrealistic. I stayed in an old fashioned big house owned by the widow of a famous Peruvian admiral. I could not return to my home in Santiago. And Pia and my children were back in Sweden. My life was in chaos.

    Later on Anthony Balinski, my previous boss at UNDP in Lima came to see me on behalf of the UN. The story was slowly unfolding. In my house a French couple, associated with the French Embassy, was living. The military had stormed my house early one morning and wanted to arrest me – fortunately I was not there!!! I had a pistol in the house which was legally registered. They tore up the license and the military Junta accused me of illegal possession of arms. No wonder that ECLA did not let me return to Santiago.

    At this stage the relation between the UN and the military had become very tense. Several UN employees or students on scholarships had been killed and/or harassed. So the military was very happy to be able to accuse a permanent employee of illegal possession of arms. BUT – there was a copy of the license in my office. I told Balinski about this and also that I had no intention of going directly to Sweden. My home was in Santiago and I needed to prepare myself for my leave without pay.

    The UN labour union in New York also took on my case. In the end the Junta’s representative was called to a meeting with Kurt Waldheim, then Secretary General of the UN. The UN presented a strong protest and threatened to move various UN offices in Santiago to other countries.

    The military backed down and withdrew its accusation against me – surely knowing of my leftish views – but in the end it had no choice. If I became arrested/harassed/tortured the relationship with the UN would reach a critical point. For this reason the military had to do something. I got the secret phone number to the head of a senior Junta official. My moves were continuously monitored. It was really a period of great stress.

    While in Lima, I met Ann Stödberg – some 20+ years old. Ann was studying Economic History in Lund and was going to Santiago to prepare her thesis on Women issues. I told her to continue to Santiago and she could stay in my house – which had become quite “safe” by now. There is a short video on YouTube from my garden with Ann. “Young dreams” it is called. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=z62FZsUelHw

    For many years I had met El Gordo – Dagoberto Perez – a MIR activist. He would occasionally stay in my house – no questions asked. By the time I left Santiago in April 1974 he and Ann had become very good friends and later he became her partner. Ann joined the MIR resistance and El Gordo was subsequently killed in an ambush. Ann returned to Sweden about a year later.

    I always felt guilt about the Chilean events. Several of my friends had been killed and others tortured. I had survived and had a good job with the UN. It is only recently that I have come to terms with this past of mine. Many people of the Holocaust felt a deep feeling of guilt for having survived. The same trauma happened to me.

    Some comments on the UN in Chile
    Chile had a long tradition of democratic institutions. From the fifties until the military coup successive governments had become more leftish. Raúl Prebish, a famous Argentinean economist, had advocated for more state intervention in the economies of Latin America. Dependency theories, on the capitalist system, were very common among the Left. Cuba had shown that equity with a rapid growth in social services was possible.
    So, many of the people working for the UN in Chile had leftish views. Many of the UN employees were transferred from or simply fled Chile. Chaos reigned sometime within the UN in Chile.

    One of the reasons I did not accept to continue from Lima to Stockholm was an ideological conviction. I come from a rich country with a long democratic tradition. As a CUT leader once told me: “It is easy for you intellectuals. When there are crises you can easily move to another country.” Many of the UN employees had very few alternatives and could not return to their countries of origin.
    When I discussed my situation with some friends while in Lima, most thought I was stupid to return to Santiago. “Why risk your life?” I also made it clear to Balinski that I would tell the Swedish Press – that the UN could not guarantee my safety? Sweden is an important source of money for the UN system. Balinski was originally a career diplomat of Poland and later became Resident Representative of UNDP. He quickly grasped the diplomatic implications.

    It was not until I read the book about Edelstam that I became aware of the criticism of the UN.

    Helicopters
    Throwing people into the sea. A few weeks after the military coup I met with a young woman, from the Left, with her boyfriend, who was a helicopter pilot with the Chilean Air force. Then there had been rumours about people being thrown out of airplanes over the Sea. He first denied that his had taken place. Then she told him “but the other day you told me that people were thrown into the sea”. He then admitted that this had taken place. – So according to this meeting the habit of throwing people into the sea started shortly after the coup on 11 September 1973.

    My carpenter – apartment with bullet holes.
    During the refurbishing of my “industrial land” I had contacts with painters, plumbers, bricklayers, carpenters etc. I was extremely concerned about their safety.
    When the curfew was lifted some of them could tell their stories. One told me that his daughter/son? lived together in a small apartment. His tears ran across his face – their apartment was full of bullet holes – at the level of a human chest. No trace of the couple. There was not much I could do.

    Painting the walls around my garden
    Friends had painted several of my walls with revolutionary paintings. We removed them during the first days of the military coup. Ann later added some about woman and man together.

    Claes Croner again
    We went downtown a few days after the curfew was lifted. We had two walky-talkies in the car belonging to the Swedish journalist Jan Sandquist. There was a tank with a few soldiers. Claes wanted to talk to them and I got furious. “Do not provoke at this stage!”
    Why in the Hell did he try to get back to his house after the coup? It was known to the military as a leftish house.

    Educated people
    What is really scary is how many well educated people supported the military coup in Chile. Vivian’s father and mother supported the military coup 100%.
    I lived in the USA for one year (1960-61) and my American “parents” subscribed to the most reactionary points of view.
    This scares me – climate change might have dramatic global consequences. How will the rich (most people in rich countries and some filthy rich people in poor countries) try to defend their interests? If so, how many millions of lives will be killed?

    So, hopefully I have added a little bit of information about what happened in Chile before, during and after the military coup.

    Tom Alberts, Solna, 20 February 2011
    PS Comments are invited
    t.alberts@devpro.se


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